“At all times throughout history the ideology of the ruling class is the ruling ideology.” - Karl Marx

Lynne Stewart is a friend.   She used to practice law in New York City.  I still do.   I was in the courtroom with my wife Debby the afternoon of July 19th for her re-sentencing.   The Judge John Koetl buried her alive.  We should have seen it coming when he told her to take all the time she needed at the start when she spoke before the sentence was read.  It didn’t matter what she said.  He had already written his decision, which he read out loud for to a courtroom packed with supporters.  It was well crafted.  Bullet proof on appeal.   He is smart and cautious. After about an hour into his pronouncement he came to the buried alive part.  He prefaced it by citing the unprecedented 400 letters of support people had sent him, all of which he said he read. He noted Lynne’s three decades of service to the poor and the outcast.  He stressed that she is a seventy year old breast cancer survivor with high blood pressure and other serious health problems.  And then he laid it on her: 120 months.

Everyone in the courthouse divided 120 by 12.   He had given her a death sentence we all thought.  She’ll never get out.   He almost quadrupled the 28 month sentence he had originally pronounced.  She had told him that 28 months was a horizon, that she had  hope.  But no more.  Lynne’s granddaughter gasped.  Then started sobbing.   She kept crying even as Judge John Koetl kept reading.  And reading.  And reading.  It was awful.  The sentence was pitiless and cruel.  How to understand it?

Lynne’s lawyer Jill Shellow Levine rose after the Judge finished.  She asked him why.  He was candid.  He was told to do it by his supervisors, the judges on the Court of Appeals for the Second Circuit.   This court is an institution of the elite. It is considered the second highest court in America next to the Supreme Court because it presides over the financial center of the empire, not its capital, that is in D.C., but its real capital.  This court makes policy and Lynne Stewart was to be made an example of in “the war against terrorism” just as a half a century before, in the same court, Ethel and Julius Rosenberg were condemned to death in the war  against communism, told that they had caused the deaths of 50,000 U.S. soldiers in the Korean War, and found guilty of the ridiculous charge of “stealing the secret” of the atomic bomb, when there was no secret, it was only a matter of technology.   The sentencing Judge Kaufman knew they would leave behind two orphan children, Robert and Michael, ages six and three.

In 1947 George Kennan, the ideological father of the cold war,  wrote that the United States had but six per cent of the world’s population and fifty per cent of its wealth.   The problem was to keep it.   Anti-communism served as the ideological cover the U.S. ruling classes used.   But communism ceased to exist after capitalism was restored in the Soviet Union in 1991.  A new ideological cover has been constructed in the wake of the September 11th criminal attack on the World Tread Center and the Pentagon: The War Against Terror.  Nationalist opposition to U.S. economic and foreign policy in parts of  the Arab world is no longer led by communists but by fundamentalist Muslims.

Lynne Stewart represented one of them,  Sheik Abdel Rahman, who was the leading oppositionist to the U.S. sponsored Murabak dictatorship in Egypt, which gets more money from America than any other country in the world except Israel.    In 1993, at the behest of the Egyptian government, Sheik Rahman was criminally indicted and later convicted of the crime of “sedition” for suggesting to  government informer that rather than blow up New York City landmarks he choose “a military target.”  It was on the occasion of a post-conviction prison visit that Lynne helped her client.  She released his statement to Reuters press service announcing his withdrawal of support for a cease fire between his group and the Egyptian government.   This was in violation of a Special Administrative Measure (SAMs) that Lynne had agreed to with the U.S. Government.  She wasn’t supposed to be a medium for commincation between her client and the outside world.  She should have challenged the constitutionality of the SAMs,  she now realizes, and not just have violated them. (more…)

LEARNING FROM A REVOLUTIONARY

NORTH STAR by Peter Camejo   (Chicago: Haymarket Books, 2010)

by Michael Steven Smith and Paul Le Blanc

    Peter Camejo opens his gripping, page-turner of a memoir North Star by recounting his 1979 escape from a CIA murder attempt in the airport in Cali, Columbia.  In order to “neutralize” this revolutionary activist, the CIA had fingered him as a “drug dealer.”  Airport workers, like him part of the revolutionary socialist movement, got him out of there.  There is little mystery as to why Peter would have been a target.  He was a militant in the Fourth International (founded by Leon Trotsky and other dissident Communists in the 1930s), in contact with numerous left-wing groups and individuals throughout Latin America and at that time touring Latin American cities in support of the Nicaraguan revolution and about to travel to Peru to  meet with peasant leader Hugo Blanco.

He was already one of the most remarkable figures in the history of U.S. radicalism, helping to educate, mobilize and radicalize tens of thousands of people in the sixties and seventies as a leading spokesperson for the U.S. Socialist Workers Party (SWP).  The SWP played a central role in building a mass opposition in the United States that was part of bringing the Vietnam war to an end.  After the SWP suffered a devastating, largely self-inflicted decline, Peter revised some of his perspectives while seeking to remain true to his core beliefs.  Over the next three decades, experimenting with various forms of activism in California, he became associated with the Green Party.

Peter knew he was dying of cancer. He hastened to finish this book, working on the penultimate chapter even as he was taken to the hospital for the last time.  He dedicated North Star   “To the thousands upon thousands of people who have worked with me through the years for peace, for social justice, against racism, and for human rights.” He believed that yet another wave of radical activism was gathering now, as it had in the sixties, the thirties, and before the First World War.   North Star is his last contribution - for “the children, the future participants of mass social struggles who will make the Third American Revolution.”

   Trotskyist and Anti-War Leader

    Peter came from a  Latin American family with deep roots in his country’s history. Yet he was born, almost by accident, in New York City, when his mother traveled there from her native Venezuela for medical treatment.   Growing up in the l950s in Great Neck, a village east of New York City, he became interested in socialist ideas while still quite young.  When he was l8, his girlfriend’s grandmother (an old socialist who had run for Congress in l922) brought the two of them to a meeting sponsored by the SWP, the Communist Party, and the National Guardian newspaper to explore possibilities for a unified ticket of socialist candidates. He met members of the SWP there and wrote “that meeting would change my life.”  Not long after, he went off to college in Boston at MIT, rooming with Barry Sheppard, also a socialist.  The two formed the Greater Boston Socialist Student Organization, which evolved into a chapter of the Young Socialist Alliance, the SWP’s youth group.  They soon  moved to New York City in l960 to become YSA national leaders.

Peter was in the SWP for over 20 years.  This was a revolutionary socialist organization rooted in the U.S. radical traditions of Eugene V. Debs’s Socialist Party, the heroic Industrial Workers of the World, and the early Communist Party.  Its militant cadres had broken away in reaction to the increasingly authoritarian influences in the world Communist movement emanating from Stalin’s bureaucratic dictatorship in the USSR.  They had rallied to the ideas of Leon Trotsky, and through the 1930s and 1940s had played a role in militant and sometimes momentous working-class struggles, standing for “workers’ democracy” and Trotsky’s theory of permanent revolution.  By the mid-1950s, the organization had been weakened by a series of organizational splits, the ravages of Cold War anti-communism and an extended period of capitalist prosperity that had de-radicalized the labor movement of which it had been part.  Yet what had become a small, half exhausted, semi-sectarian group of radicals was soon to experience a rejuvenating influx of radicalized students, the beginning of a remarkable upswing.

     Peter was part of this new wave.  When he joined in 1959, there were maybe 150 active members in SWP branches in several major cities.  By l975, the U.S. Trotskyists had 3000 members, including the youth group (Young Socialist Alliance), with a presence in almost every major U.S. city. The SWP had a weekly newspaper, The Militant, a monthly theoretical magazine (then called the International Socialist Review), a publishing house that put out hundreds of books and pamphlets (Pathfinder Press, a sort of predecessor to Haymarket Books) , a high tech printing press, even a large library,  housed in the party’s own building, a five story old ship equipment repair place on Manhattan’s West Side Highway.  This was paid for and refitted by party members themselves.  (more…)

Against the Current, March/April 2010, No. 145

Lost Liberties in the Age of Obama

— Michael Steven Smith

WHEN WORLD WAR II broke out on September l, l939 the poet W.H. Auden sat in a bar on 42nd Street and penned a poem using that fateful date for its title. He reflected that the past ten years had been “a low dishonest decade.” And so has our last ten.

Politicians explained the attack of 9/ll as “they hate us for our freedoms.” Then came the United States’ criminal attack on Iraq, justified because Saddam Hussein had “weapons of mass destruction.” The decade came to an unmerciful end with new president Barack Obama falsely promising “change you can believe in.”

Little has changed with respect to the democratic rights of Americans, the exertion of Executive power, or the gargantuan high tech growth of the government’s spying apparatus. How has Obama, with fellow Democratic Party Chicago politician Rahm Emmanuel as his Chief of Staff, essentially channeled Cheney and Bush? Let us count the ways.

The Center for Constitutional Rights released an assessment on where we stand with respect to restoring the Constitution on the 100th day of the new Democratic administration. The CCR report stated that “The Obama presidency has failed to live up to its promises in many areas of critical importance, including human rights, torture, rendition, secrecy and surveillance…”

Although the Gonzalez-Yoo torture memos of the Bush-Cheney regime were released by the new administration, no prosecutions of those who committed the crimes were initiated, as the CCR wrote, “in order to ensure justice for the victims and to make certain it never happens again.” In addition, torture loopholes were kept in the Army Field Manual. The report went on to denounce the “dangerous silence” of the administration on the issue of abolishing preventive detention, whose “structures remain available in the U.S.”

Presidential war powers continued unchecked, as recently demonstrated by Ob2ma’s escalation of the undeclared war in Afghanistan. The abuse of the state secrets privilege was continued. Most recently the administration’s attorneys raised it, to the dismay of an incredulous Federal judge in San Francisco. They succeeded in getting a lawsuit thrown out where the plaintiff’s testicles were sliced with a razor blade. He was suing a CIA-front airline that had flown him to the torture site.

Warrantless wiretapping has not been stopped and the Patriot Act’s sunset provisions were renewed, allowing that egregious piece of legislation a new lease on life. The CCR’s assessment was negative. Now, a year after the administration came to power, a new assessment would be even more so. (The report, “100 DAYS: Assessment to Restore the Constitution,” is available from the CCR, 666 Broadway, New York, NY l00l2. The website is www.ccrjustice.org.)

Wiping Out Our Rights

Many people mistakenly assumed that there would be significant change under the new Obama administration. But I believe that after 9/ll we need to recognize we are not just talking about a pendulum returning to its center; there has been a qualitative change in what were once our democratic rights.

However severely limited our Constitutional rights have been by class, race, privilege, and the political monopoly of two capitalist parties, nonetheless prior to 9/ll we had some checks and balances on Executive power. We had some protections under our Bill of Rights, especially the 1st, 4th, 5th and 6th amendments (speech, assembly, privacy, due process, prohibitions on cruel and inhuman treatment, and the right to a lawyer).

These rights have been and remain severely compromised. Daniel Ellsberg called the wreckage of civil liberties after 9/ll a “coup.” (more…)

THE ASSASSINATION OF FRED HAMPTON: How the FBI and the Chicago Police Murdered a Black Panther

By Jeffrey Haas, Lawrence Hill Books, $26.95, 376 pages, index

This is a remarkable work, a well told tale, a true crime story, a page turning legal political thriller which is as important for us to comprehend now as it was in the sixties.

Forty years ago this December 4th, National Lawyers Guild attorney Jeffrey Haas was in a Chicago jail interviewing Fred Hampton’s fiancee Deborah Johnson.  She was in her nightgown, pregnant, shaking and sobbing, barely having survived  the hail of 80 bullets that came into her apartment and into her bedroom, just four hours before.   She had  been sleeping at 4 in the morning next to Fred Hampton, the extraordinary young leader of the Chicago Black Panthers. She described to Haas how the police pulled her from the room as Fred lay unconscious on their bed. She heard one of the officers say, “He’s still alive.”   Next, two gunshots. A second officer said “He’s good and dead now.” She looked at Jeff and asked, “What can you do?”

Haas tells the story, interwoven beautifully with his own personal and political biography, of a truly amazing piece of movement lawyering. It took thirteen years of grueling litigation and political agitation outside the courtroom.  Finally, after an l8 month trial, which they lost, and an appeal to the Federal Circuit Court (Hampton v. Hanrahan, 600 F. 2d 600), which they won in a famous civil rights decision,  Haas, Flint Taylor, his Peoples Law Office collective, Dennis Cunningham, and Morty Stavis from the Center for Constitutional Rights,  finally nailed the FBI, the Cook County States Attorney Edward Hanrahan, and the Chicago police for their summary execution of the exceptionally promising - he was only 2l at the time - young black leader. “Who knows what he may have become, if they hadn’t killed him,” his mother Iberia Hampton told Jeff.

FBI head J. Edgar Hoover had an idea of what Hampton might become. He was concerned, in his words written in a Cointelpro directive, about “the rise of a new black Messiah.”  King and Malcolm had already been murdered.   Haas and Taylor uncovered the story about how the government killed Hampton and remarkably, at the end of the day, made them all admit guilt by paying his parents a wrongful death settlement.   It took over 37,000 hours of work.  What a truly amazing piece of lawyering, especially since Jeff was barely out of the University of Chicago law school at the time he undertook to represent the family, and Flint was still a law student at Northwestern. And more amazing still, considering that their law collective had no resources to speak of and were up against a mendacious stalling government whose litigation fund was unlimited.

Lenny Bruce used to quip that “Chicago is so corrupt it is thrilling.” It was run by the machine of Mayor Richard Daley, head of the Cook County Democratic Party, his true source of power.  The machine appointed the judges, investigators, “independent panels”, prosecutors, and police.  But Jeff, just out of law school, and Flint, still attending Northwestern, with little financial resources,  took them on, exposing the conspiracy to assassinate Hampton, the raid and the subsequent cover-up.

Fred Hampton, even at 2l, was an accomplished person. He worked a factory job and saved money to pay his college tuition.  Like Malcolm, he wanted to be a lawyer.   Fred was by all accounts a master orator.  He studied Malcolm’s speeches.  While in high school he founded a youth chapter of the NAACP.   When he turned l8 in l966 he refused to register for the draft, like Muhammad Ali, who famously said, “I ain’t got no quarrel with the Vietcong.  No Vietcong ever called me nigger.”     Hampton was well read, rising at least two hours before facing the day to read Marcus Garvey, Malcolm X, Che Guevara, Mao, Marx, Lenin and DuBois.  Like them, he understood that “a revolution is a class struggle.  It was one class - the oppressed - versus those other classes - the oppressor.  Indeed it was this sort of radicalism - the advocacy of black power and socialism - that made him dangerous.  And Hoover knew it.  Black power for Hampton, as Haas  observes, was “not a tool to attack whites, but … a concept to bring blacks together and build their confidence.”

Hampton was targeted by the police and arrested several times on technical traffic violations.  After being arrested for “mob action” he was put on the FBI’s Key Agitator Index, (more…)

Michael Ratner on Talking with Sartre, Conversations and Debates
[from the radio show Law & Disorder on WBAI 99.5fm NYC]

Michael Smith and I have been reading John Gerassi’s new book, Talking with Sartre, Conversations and Debates.[1] The book is a shortened form of three years of on and off conversations Gerassi had with Sartre in the early 1970’s.  The book is utterly remarkable. It is as if you are  seated at the table with Sartre and asking him and debating with him questions on Marxism, existentialism, his life with Simone de Beauvoir, his depression, his plays, novels, political activism, and views about anti-colonial and revolutionary violence both before and after a revolution. In this short piece I write only about this latter subject—taken from the book– in which he takes positions which are almost never found in writings on the political left in the United States today. Even if one disagrees with Sartre, which Michael Smith and I do, it is a timely discussion in today’s world.

What Makes a Revolutionary?

Gerassi and Sartre discuss what makes a revolutionary. Sartre had great respect for Che and seems to have agreed with Che that “a true revolutionary is guided by great feelings of love.” However, Sartre also said that a revolutionary was possessed of both “hatred and love.”  Hating injustice and hating the enemy. Sartre believed it was necessary to hate the enemy in order for a revolution to succeed. As Sartre said,

“That’s very important hatred. Without it one stops too soon.  It happened in the French Revolution; I think it happens in every revolution, when those who do not hate the enemy suddenly say, Enough already, and stop short of accomplishing the complete restructuring of society, and the result is that the revolution is betrayed.” (56)

Executions in Cuba After the Revolution

Sartre then applies some of his thinking to the Cuban Revolution—at least from an ethical point of view. Gerassi asks Sartre about Fidel putting on trial the Batista torturers where the evidence of their guilt was overwhelming. Gerassi says that even Time magazine claimed the trials were a catharsis and saved the country from a bloodbath of vengeance. Presumably, this was because the people would have taken justice in their own hands and enacted vengeance without trials. But then 365 torturers were executed and that showed that Fidel was “not just a bourgeois reformer but a genuine revolutionary” and Time and the United States condemned him.  Gerassi then asks what Sartre thinks of the executions when all knew including Fidel that the real culprits were the owners of United Fruit, IT&T and other corporations for who Batista exploited the people of Cuba.
Sartre answers “that under an ideal situation, the torturers could have been rehabilitated.” But he agreed with Fidel that at

“that moment a bloodbath had to be avoided, and these torturers were scum, after all, so if executing them for their proven crimes, even if the president of IT&T is ultimately responsible, will avoid that bloodbath, then ethically their execution was justified….”

However, Sartre points out that had the trials taken place a year later and there was no risk of a bloodbath, “then no, their executions would not have been justified.” (98-99)

Counter Terror Against Terror

Sartre was consistent on the question of the morality of counter terror against terror. (This is not to say he recommended it as a tactic.)  He supported the FLN in fighting the French for the liberation of Algeria even if that meant killings on the streets of Paris. In the context he even believed the Baader-Meinhof group was “totally justified.”  As Sartre says, (more…)

I got to New York City from Detroit in l97l to work in the publicity and sales department of Pathfinder Press.   Dianne was already there.  She came to New York from California to work with The Catholic Worker people. She knew Dorothy Day.   She left the Catholic Worker movement on the issue of abortion, becoming a revolutionary socialist and early feminist.  She joined the Socialist Workers Party, which in those days was a pretty good and promising outfit, and went to work at Pathfinder.

Pathfinder published a number of early feminist titles on history, literature, and anthropology.  Dianne was there during its halcyon days.  George Novack, one of the “New York Intellectuals” that Alan Wald wrote about,  was an editor. He was very fond and admiring of Dianne.  His companion Evelyn Reed wrote Women’s Evolution, about the pre-history of women, and their great accomplishments in advancing humanity.  Also an editor was George Breitman, who had come from Detroit and had edited Malcolm X Speaks and written Malcolm X:  The Evolution of a Revolutionary.  He too greatly appreciated Dianne as a young and thoughtful comrade.

We published books on the labor movement, like Farrell Dobb’s 4 volume history of the l934 Minneapolis strikes and the rise of the Teamsters and Fred Halstead’s definited history on the anti-Vietnam war movement, Out Now, Ernest Mandel’s Introduction to Marxist Economic  Theory, and books on John Coltrane and Lenny Bruce.  We also published more pamphlets than practically any other publisher except the government.

It was Dianne’s job to promote the books and pamphlets and mine to sell them.

I remember my first day.  Alighting from the 9th St. cross town bus, and walking over to our building at 4l0 West Street, which had been  an old ship repair building next to an elevated highway. We had raised the money and bought and fixed up the place.  It was on l0th St. and the West Side Highway, which in those days was a seedy industrial venue.  Now of course the neighborhood is quite fashionable.  The old SWP headquarters has been knocked down and in its place sit two toney all glass buildings by the famed archetect Richard Meirs.

But back then,  we, because all the work was paid for and performed by party comrades, redesigned the 5 story wreck.  In it we had Pathfinder’s office, as well as the offices of the SWP, the Young Socialist Alliance, the International Socialist Review, the magazine we published, the editorial offices of The Militant, our newspaper, the editorial offices of Intercontinental Press, a weekly Marxist news magazine, and the editorial and business offices of Pathfinder Press.  Our warehouse from where we shipped cartons of books was next door in a separate outbuilding.  Dianne was part of what we all proudly thought was “the big red machine.”

I opened the door, there was but one small sign for security purposes, identified myself, and was buzzed in and told to walk up to the 4th floor.  There I found Dianne in an inner windowless office, sitting behind one of four desks. The two others were occupied by Karolyn Kerry and Louise Armstrong. They both smoked.  Alot.  Dianne had the third desk and the forth was mine.  All mine.  I entered the hazy room, introduced myself, and sat down amidst the cloud.  There we spent several years and got to be friends and comrades.  And we got out a lot of excellent literature to the movement across the country.  Tens of thousands of titles.

Dianne moved on to Pittsburgh, going into industry, and then on to Detroit, where you all were lucky to be with her.  I remained in New York CIty, where I am active with The Marxist School and the Center for Constitutional Rights and occasionally write for Against the Current.    We were both expelled in the early 80s by a degenerated SWP, an act of liberation as we now see it.  After we were kicked out the kicker outers adorned our building with a huge 4 story mural of various revolutionaries.   Dianne and I joked that it was sort of a Dorian Grey event, for as they grew more into a shriveled sect, their building was festooned by the working class’ finest.

Dianne went on to do fine work for the movement, in her plant as a union activist, and in Solidarity, as is being recounted tonight.  She is an admirable accomplished woman of grace and kindness and of superior intelligence.   She and my wife Debby have remained on the same political wavelegnth for all these years.  We so much enjoy seeing her and hosting her when she comes to New York City.  We are sorry not to be here with you.

Dianne, you’re wonderful.

With comradely greetings,

Michael Smith
New York, NY
November l5, 2009

Remembering Alan Berkman

    After battling recurrent cancers for half his life,  Alan Berkman died in Memorial Sloan Kettering Hospital in New York City around seven o’clock in the evening of June 5, 2009.  He was under a death sentence with a cancer that was going to kill him.  He chose to try a risky stem cell transplant procedure where he first had to have chemo-therapy to knock out his own stem cells and then replace them with the stem cells of a donor.  Even finding the donor was difficult, the holocaust having significantly narrowed the gene pool of persons who might have a match.  One was found.  Alan entered the hospital knowing he might not get out. He understood what his doctor’s were telling him.  He himself was a doctor, a sixties graduate of Columbia’s school for physicians and surgeons and now a professor there in the school of public health.

 Alan’s first was struck by cancer when he was in prison.  He did eight years, four of them in solitary.  He diagnosed himself.  But to no avail.  The authorities would do nothing, as if they wanted him to die.  They must have hated Alan. A communist.  A Jew. A doctor.  A supporter of blacks and latinos and native Americans at the second battle of Wounded Knee.   They knew his history.  It was quite a dossier.  A sixties radical.  SDS.  Active in the anti-war movement.    A practising doctor in New York’s poor neighborhoods. Forced underground for years because he wouldn’t give up the name of a woman he treated for a gunshot wound she got in a failed Brinks truck robbery that killed two cops and a security guard in Rockland County.  Then arrested and convicted and doing hard time  in a maximum security prison. He helped a cop killer.  And now he is in our hands.   But Alan was unbent and unbowed.  He was tough.

Finally his family and attorneys got him medical attention.  He told me they operated on him while handcuffed to a gurney.  Deep stomach surgery where the muscles need to be cut.  When he awoke from anesthesia they took the handcuffs off and made him get up off the gurney and walk.  He got cancer again before getting out on parol.  Amazingly Bill Kunstler and Ron Kuby prevented the State from taking away his medical license.  He started working as an AIDS doctor in the South Bronx.

 That’s when I met him.  About twenty years ago.  He helped me on a case.  We drove out to Brooklyn to see the client and then had dinner, the first of many.  A steak and a martini.  Alan and Barbara, Debby and me.  We four.  Good friends and comrades.

We went back to that restaurant a couple of weeks ago, just before Alan checked into Memorial.  We thought we would see him the next week at the event honoring him and Dr. David Hoos for co- founding HEALTH GAP.  But that was not to be.  His doctors couldn’t give him the time and he was whisked into the hospital for first the chemo and then the transplant.  Alan got the new cells but died before they could take root.

When HEALTH GAP was formed with the help of ACT UP and HOUSING WORKS the anti-viral aids medicine ”cocktail” cost ten to fifteen thousand dollars a year.  Big pharma controlled manufacturing and distribution with their intellectual property rights.  Alan helped change that , not having the requisite respect for private property. Now the drugs cost about eight-seven dollars a year and some four million people are taking the medicine, prolonging their lives.

Dr. Alan Berkman in 2006 with AIDS activists from Rwanda.

Alan wasn’t religious.  Religion to him was superstition.  Being part of a sect was too narrow and confining for Alan.  The Jewish heretic who transcends Jewry belongs to a Jewish tradition.  The historian Isaac Deutscher had a phrase for it, “the non-Jewish Jew.”  Alan was in line with the great Jewish heretics, rebels, and revolutionaries of modern thought;  Spinoza, Heine, Marx, Luxemburg, Trotsky, Freud, and Einstein.  They too went beyond the boundaries of Judaism, finding it too narrow, archaic, constricting.

I don’t wish to stretch the comparison.  Alan was not so much a radical thinker as a man of action.  But his intellectual understanding - and he was well educated and widely read - powered his activity.  He had in common with these great thinkers the idea that for knowledge to be real it must be acted upon. As Marx observed:  “Hitherto philosophers have only interpreted the world, the point however is to change it.”

Like his intellectual predecessors Alan saw reality in a state of flux, as dynamic not static, and he was aware of the constantly changing and contradictory nature of society.  Alan was essentially an optimist and shared with the great Jewish revolutionaries and optimistic belief in humanity and a belief in the solidarity of humankind.

The stem cell procedure failed to save him.   Alan Berkman has passed, but his work and his example have taken root.  Goodbye dear friend.  We all remember you with the two best words in our language: Love and Solidarity.

Michael Steven Smith

New York City
June 6, 2009

Dear Friends,

I heard Malcolm speak when he came to The University of Wisconsin in 1963.  He had yet to break with The Nation of Islam and was protected by several of their bodyguards.  All were dressed nattily in suits and small knotted narrow neckties.  Malcolm had light skin and reddish hair.  “Detroit Red” they had called him when he lived there.   He spoke in a cadence which was musical.  I can’t remember the details of what he said.   The short of it was that he counseled fighting back.  He had a wonderful sense of humor.  A lovely and courageous man, I thought then.   He once posed for a photo in front of a Levy’s rye bread advertisement which proclaimed “You don’t have to be Jewish to love Levy’s.”  Despite my atheism, I identified with him, supported him, followed his evolution into a revolutionary and supporter of socialism.  I smiled when he said, reflecting on reforming capitalism, that a chicken can never lay a duck egg.  And if it ever did, well,  it would be a pretty revolutionary chicken.   A friend of mine had a photo of him on her apartment wall and said she loved Malcolm.  I knew what she meant.

I remember clearly the night Malcolm X was murdered in the winter of l965, a cold February night.   I had come home late to my law school dorm at NYU and picked up the New York Times, which you could get after midnight.  The story of his death was on the front page.  Crushing.  The true story emerged later, the story of Co-intellpro and how the government assassinated Black leaders in order to “prevent the rise of a new messiah,” in J.Edgar Hoover’s words.

It was a blow we are still reeling from.  Imagine the level of consciousness and organization we in America would be at if Malcolm was still here, instead of say Reverend Al Sharpton, whom the media foists on us as a leader.  Or, truth be told, Barack Obama, who just appointed General MacChrystal, an assassin, to head the U.S. imperial forces in Afganistan.  Obama, promoted by modern advertising, as Chomsky has written, foisted  upon us as “Brand Obama”, in Chris Hedges description, a Black man with the keys to the car, now driving the empire, misleading, widely, for the time being, supported by both those who profit from empire and those who don’t.

Two years later in l967, I moved to Detroit.  A real Black nationalist place.  I appreciated that Malcolm had lived there.  When Pathfinder Press published Malcolm Speaks, edited by George Breitman and then a second seminal volume by Breitman, Malcolm X:  The Evolution of a Revolutionary,  I got them carried by the central book distributor in the area and they appeared in many bookstores Detroit.  Later when I worked for Pathfinder in New York City I helped get them distributed nationwide.   They are still in print. Malcolm has been relegated to an icon, the fate as Lenin wrote, of many revolutionaries.  His picture adorns a U.S. postage stamp.  This is now.  Who can tell the future?   I think it is likely that what Malcolm stood for, Black consciousness, uinity in action, identity with those struggling against imperialism worldwide, independence from the two capitalist parties, self-defense by any means necessary, a deep sense of love, as Che said,  those ideas will have a time to come to the fore.

A birthday salute to our brother Malcolm X,

Michael Smith

5.l9.09

Harvey Goldberg brought to life the history of social movements in Europe and much of the world to thousands of students during his teaching career at Oberlin College, Ohio State University and at the University of Wisconsin. His passionate and electrifying lectures regularly filled halls to maximum capacity. Many of his lectures were recorded. Below please find one of my favorites:

Ideology of Private Property 2/25/1977

Where did the idea of Private Property come from and how did the world work before then? What has become of mankind since the concept took hold. What beliefs do you hold regarding the sanctity and persistence ofprivate property and what would happen if you gave up those beliefs? These are some of the questions that are addressed in this spellbinding lecture

You can find more his recorded lectures at the Harvey Goldberg section of the The Brecht Forum website. - put together by Richard Bonomo

Left Forum Panel 2007

Bush and Company’s War on Civil Liberties and What It Means For Our Future

Law and Disorder Radio / Center for Constitutional Rights

Chair: Michael Steven Smith - Author/Attorney Download/Listen [9 MB]

Dalia Hashad - Director of Amnesty Int’l USA program Download/Listen [12 MB]

Vince Warren - CCR Executive Director Download/Listen [12 MB]

John Ehrenberg - Author and Professor L.I. University Download/Listen [10 MB]